Illiberal Conservative Media (ICM) TM

[alternately, Insidious Corporatist Media, U.S.A.]

One Page Summary
 
Defining Media Bias
 
Introduction
 
How the Liberal Media Myth is Created
 
Why the Liberal Media Myth Persists
 
1. Conservatives Let Out The truth
 
2. Conservative Books and Studies Alleging "Liberal Bias" 
3. Conservative Media Watch Orgs Alleging "Liberal Bias" 
4. Issues and Bias 
5. Pravda, U.S.A. 
Liars, Inc.
 
Alternative Media
 
Updates/Corrections
 

2. Conservative Books and "Studies" Alleging "Liberal Bias"

2.1 BOOK: "The News Twisters" by Edith Efron (1971)

Efron's junk book, which failed to prove any "liberal bias", got wide play in conservative circles (and then-President Richard Nixon's personal patronage), and is covered somewhat in detail in David Brock's The Republican Noise Machine. This extract from Brock (available at Barnes and Noble) covers some of the key points (bold text being my emphasis):

A grinning Governor Wallace posed for news photographers holding aloft a copy of The News Twisters. At the White House, Richard Nixon, who appointed Walter Annenberg ambassador to Great Britain, was pleased as well. Two years later, testimony before the Senate Watergate Committee revealed that Nixon special counsel Charles Colson took $8,000 from Nixon's reelection committee to purchase copies of The News Twisters.6 Among a long list of dirty tricks, Colson had been charged with planting phony letters to the editor in newspapers to enhance Nixon's image to entertaining a plot to bomb the Brookings Institution, a Washington think tank the Nixonites considered a symbol of the liberal establishment.7 During Watergate, Colson was designated to attack news accounts as "a fantasy, a work of fiction," and he ordered up a "butcher piece" on the Washington Post staff.8

After Nixon's death in 1994, Colson told the story of The News Twisters to Newsweek: "[Nixon] called me into his office on another occasion and asked me if I had read Edith Efron's book about biased network news coverage. I had. I had also concluded that it was a book destined for obscurity. Nixon then ordered me to get it on the best-seller list. I was used to cryptic instructions, but never one quite like this. After finding the particular stores that the New York Times and others regularly checked to determine which books were selling, I enlisted the assistance of some Nixon supporters in New York. We literally bought out the stores."9 When Nixon aide E. Howard Hunt quit the White House during the Watergate scandal, he left behind several cartons of The News Twisters.10

Edith Efron was a self-described libertarian and a onetime devotee of Ayn Rand, who advocated free-market fundamentalism and dismantlement of the welfare state in her theory of objectivism. Efron believed that "historically . . . liberals . . . have always followed the ideological leadership of the revolutionary left. . . ." Her research was underwritten by a grant from the Historical Research Foundation, established with a bequest from conservative lace importer Alfred Kohlberg. According to a report in Variety at the time, Kohlberg was "a close associate of Senator Joe McCarthy, [who] earned the label as 'head' of the so-called China Lobby for his work for Chiang Kai-shek," the authoritarian leader of the Nationalist Chinese government. The institute's "projects chairman" was National Review founder William F. Buckley Jr. Buckley hyped The News Twisters as "explosive," as did Irving Kristol, godfather of the ideological movement known as neoconservatism, in an essay in Fortune. Kristol's magazine, The Public Interest, and a second neoconservative organ, Commentary (under the editorship of Norman Podhoretz), heaped early praise on the book.

Hitting the best-seller list thanks to Nixon's slush fund, the book broke through in the wider media, where its methods did not survive scrutiny from nonconservatives. It was no coincidence that Efron, whose work over the years betrayed a fascination with the psychological phenomenon of projection, called her tome The News Twisters. The St. Louis Post-Dispatch editorialized, "The book is no genuine study of TV news performance, but a 1972 campaign document designed to twist network coverage to the right," while the New York Post labeled it "right-angled paranoia." Writing in the Washington Post, Ben H. Bagdikian called the book "dishonest, inaccurate . . . [a] demonstration on how to doctor evidence."

The reviewers' criticism focused on the fact that Efron's method-taping every broadcast during the period studied and marking the transcripts for "pro" or "anti" bias-was not objective but subjective. Reviewers noted that in Efron's idiosyncratic world, a report on Nixon being met by college hecklers was an example of anti-Nixon bias, while a report on Humphrey being met by college hecklers was listed not as an example of anti-Humphrey bias but as liberal bias: "reporter supports demonstrators." Nor could she explain how her own data tables contradicted her sweeping conclusions, as when she counted the words spoken for and against liberals on the three networks combined and found 20 percent for liberals and 80 percent against.

When CBS News took the extraordinary step of hiring a research firm to do an analysis of the broadcasts Efron cited, it found that she grossly misrepresented the plain meaning of the transcripts. One CBS script that read, "Nixon says he is warning his staff against overconfidence, but he himself hardly looks worried," was listed by Efron as an "anti-Nixon editorial" that "says Nixon is overconfident; suggests he is a liar." Countering Efron's claim that CBS aired sixteen times the amount of anti-Nixon material as pro-Nixon material, the CBS-commissioned study found that 60 percent of all references to Nixon on CBS were neutral, with the favorable and unfavorable references about evenly divided.11

In providing a template for what would become a well-organized and well-funded campaign by the political Right to bring the media under its ideological domination, The News Twisters was notable not only for the transparent flaws of its central arguments, but also for its imperviousness to documentation of those flaws. Efron was not the first conservative author to show that a combination of polemical skills, good timing, and a flair for publicity could carry the day, though she was a pioneer of the technique. A political ideologue, writing for an audience of true believers, could impute to his (or her) critics a political motive and survive, the facts notwithstanding. This was especially the case on the subject of media bias, where criticism by the press could be made to look like further proof of the original indictment.

Unbowed and unbound, Efron managed to take her one-woman show before a Senate subcommittee hearing on government regulation of the broadcast industry arranged by President Nixon. She then published a second book, a detailed rebuttal of the CBS report on The News Twisters, under the self-dramatizing title How CBS Tried to Kill a Book. Had that been the intention of CBS executives, who did not publish their study until six months after Efron's book had become a best-seller, they failed. The News Twisters validated abeyant right-wing frustration with the media that dated back to the era when the anti-Communist witch-hunter Joseph McCarthy, whose meteoric rise to power in the Senate was due in part to his talents as a demagogic media manipulator, was exposed as a smear artist by Edward R. Murrow in his CBS documentary series See It Now. McCarthy fought back with attacks on Murrow's patriotism, and CBS gave the senator time to air a rebuttal, written by conservative columnist George Sokolsky of the William Randolph Hearst newspaper chain. McCarthy's career, however, did not recover. Twenty years later, sustained by funds from a McCarthy sympathizer, Efron's pseudoscientific claims, and their like, spread like a virus.

The publication of The News Twisters in 1971 dovetailed with a political strategy of assaulting and discrediting the journalism profession that had been employed by President Nixon's administration two years before, when White House speechwriter and former TV Guide writer Patrick J. Buchanan approached Nixon with the idea of blunting media reports on Nixon's Vietnam War policy by attacking the TV networks as biased in favor of the North Vietnamese and the antiwar movement. When he left the White House and published his 1973 book, The New Majority, Buchanan revealed that his recondite concern was more with media power than with bias. Buchanan flatly stated that the power of the TV networks was an obstacle to conservative Republican governance. "The growth of network power, and its adversary posture towards the national government," he wrote, is "beyond the [American] tradition."

Buchanan would become a central figure in the Right's media strategies over the next thirty years, always working inside the two institutions he attacked relentlessly: "Big Government" and the "liberal media." While plotting his political comeback in 1966, Nixon had hired Buchanan as his sole aide from a job as the youngest editorial writer on a major U.S. newspaper, the ultraconservative Globe Democrat, where Buchanan used information fed to the publisher, Richard Amberg, by FBI director J. Edgar Hoover to smear civil rights leaders.12

Chris Bowers of MyDD, published another extract from Brock and commented on the significance of what Efron started to set in place for the Right (bold text is my emphasis):

The book was the forerunner to hundreds of books and complaints by wingers over the past three [decades] that news coverage is unabashedly biased against conservatives, in this case focusing on network news coverage of the 1968 campaign. However, while the book has been very influential and made something of a splash in its time, what Efron is really remembered for are her ideas concerning television deregulation and opinion journalism, and how they could be used to shift the national media in favor of Republicans:

Efron foresaw that, with the advent of cable television and other new technologies, markets for subjective news would emerge. Pay cable was not regulated in the same way as the public airwaves were. And cable's business model was close to that of the old ideologically oriented newspapers, based on attracting a much smaller audience of dedicated subscribers who paid to watch predictable formats appealing to their specialized interests. Viewers would choose their news the way they subscribed to political magazines.
...
Efron believed that both deregulation and the introduction of pay cable were many years away. Though she said she was a libertarian, she was not beyond using government power to forward ideological ends in the meantime. So, she suggested that the government require the networks to include in their broadcasts less stright news and more of what she considered "a full spectrum of opinion."

Efron was prophetic, too, in seeing that infusing regular news broadcasts with more opinion would fundamentally change the medium, blurring the distinction between news and commentary and giving the organized Right an important opening for the airing, legitimizing, and reinforcement of its views that it could not win through the fact-based filters of objective journalism. By turning public discourse into a matter of highly partisan opinion, the right wing could shatter political consensus and sidestep questions about the veracity or mendacity of its arguments. Opinions can't be false. (p. 36-37)

As Brock points out (pages 52-53, bold text is my emphasis):

As the press came under political attack from the Right in the Nixon years and thereafter, in the news business, "objectivity," with its concern for facts and truth, began to give way to "balance" - which in practice often came to mean a purposeful disregard for facts or truth in the name of including "both sides." For the right wing, "balance" was a way of avoiding scrutiny of their arguments. For the media, "balance" became an excuse for its loss of confidence in making judgments about the accuracy of conflicting claims. "I once argued with a former news president that 'balance' is a dangerous word, because you could run a story called Hitler: Right or Wrong?" former CBS News president Howard Stringer told the New York Observer in 2003.